Yemen, the country once called “Arabian Felix”, where the tribal common laws and traditions are the most powerful among society, recently witnessed one of the most competitive and pugnacious election campaigns in the recent history of Arabic democracies. On September 20th, Yemeni citizens decided whether Ali Abdullah Saleh was going to continue leadership or step down for another ruler.
The race was between Saleh, who once declared his refusal for another presidential round, and Faisal Ben Shamlan, the gusty enthusiastic candidate for the GPC the dominating party in Yemen, and the Joint Meeting Parties JMPs that included five of the largest opposing parties. The result of the battle to reach power was unpredictable.
Not surprisingly, the Yemeni street passionately responded to the democratic procedure without hesitation, from attending presidential campaigns to participating in polls to voting. According to one of the latest questionnaires by Sahwa net “94% stand by carrying out a debate propagated by official T.V between presidential candidate of the GPC Ali Abdullah Saleh and candidate of the JMPs Faisal Bin Shamlan.”. Unfortunately, the response was way too passionate which led to the death of 40 and the injury of hundreds due to crowding during the rally of the GPC’s candidate in IBB governorate south of Sanaa.
Ben Shamlan, who gained a quick and sincere popularity among many people, accused the current president of violating the constitution and going beyond his possible authority without being questioned or prosecuted. Ben Shamlan also raised awareness about “the need” for reforming the political system starting from the constitution, to turn it from a presidential system to presidential parliamentary system which limits the president’s authority and stretches the parliament’s competences. He also emphasized that “the Yemeni society is not developed enough to adopt such a system”, referring to the current system.
Regardless of drawing the implementation for a future political reform, Shamlan promised to “fight corruption” without giving a clear picture of what he considered corruption, and what his plans were in order to fight it. But a quick check for the last report by the YemeniCenter for Studies and Researches sheds some light on corruption. Based on that report, “bribery phenomenon is increasing. Judiciary ranks first grade (65%) then police and security (59%), and the Ministry of finance came at third grade”. Such percentages are high, especially when compared to the fragile and poor economic and social environments.
Despite Saleh’s wide popularity, he had to take advantage of every possible opportunity to gain most votes. He fully exploited the major press in his favor, and was bold enough to remind Yemenis of the civil war (1994 that first erupted by the socialist party to separate South Yemen from North) in a spastic fiery speech accusing the opposing party of terrorism. Moreover, the security forces, under his command, carried out some oppressive actions that violated freedom of expression; they banned the public from showing any illustrated support for the opposing campaigns.
The end of the political battle was disappointing. It was chaotic and violent despite the ninety thousand soldiers who spread to keep security and prevent violence. A few people were shot dead, others were attacked and arrested under vague circumstances, and the JMP is suggesting a rebellious respond to the results of the elections that were seen as “fabricated and unfair”.
According the final results of the elections Ali Abdulah Saleh won 77% of the votes and will continue more than 28 years of presidency. Although Saleh won, he still has to face some important questions that could impact Yemen in the coming years. Was the election fair? Will Saleh live up to his promises? At the same time, the Yemeni public will also wonder: Was Shamlan, in the eyes of society, qualified enough to lead Yemen? Was Yemen ready for a change and a new leader?